Introduction 

In his speach at the celebration of Grieg’s 164th birthday in June this year, the Norwegian minister of foreign affairs, Jonas Gahr Støre, described music as a universal language where all cultures can meet and communicate. In the same speech though, he also mentioned Edward Grieg’s contribution to our Norwegian cultural identity and nation building. This reflects how music which is so often perceived as a universal language, also can create associations directly connected to specific cultural and personal settings and backgrounds. My aim in this paper is therefore to find out how the experience of music can be related to individual and shared experiences in the specific Cuban context.

 

In this paper I explore discourses on Cuban music and Cuban identity and the interconnection between these different discourses as they appear in the Cuban context. My aim is to show some intriguing aspects of the constructions and definitions of Cuban identity and music as it is at play in Cuban discourse. National mythologies forms the basis of the creation of the imagined community (Anderson 1996) of the nation, and of the construction of a national identity. As a part of these constructions we find contradictory and problematic elements like racial stereotypes in a central position. In such an analysis it is important to be aware of the relativeness of the discourses as it is closely related to context in time and space.

 

Music as communication

I have studied Cuban music as communication in order to reveal it’s potential for creating associations specifically related to identity. Focusing on national identity in Cuba, multiple layers of both national, but also transnational identities can be communicated through music. Such a point of departure allows us to explore the relative character of the perception of music. Factors such as performance setting, listening situation, historical perspectives and knowledge, personal history etc. influence the subjective experience. My study is based on a three year fieldwork in Havana and I have taken as a point of departure, processes of signification and interpretation of meaning in music as it relates to local Cuban experience.

 

Looking at Cuban national identity we find that in Cuban popular discourse there is a strong emphasis on the concept of an essential Cubanness. This is presented as a feeling of unity and shared identity based on the frame of the nation, but still different from the ideology of nationalism. Thomas Turino (2000:13) makes the distinction between nationalism as political movement and ideology, and national sentiment as a more general feeling of belonging to a nation. This does of course not exclude the fact that there may be strong mutual influence between the two.

 

Another important thing to keep in mind when talking about identities is that these are of course part of continuous processes of construction and reconstruction that takes place in close connection to the processes of discourse and discursive practices.

Cubanness
A main feature of Cuban national sentiment, is the idea of mestizaje or a population of mixed race specially the mix of Spanish and African. All parts of the population regardless of skintone is attributed African ancestry, and a popular saying states that “Quien no tiene de Congo, tiene the Carabalí” which translates to “ Who doesn’t have of Congo, has of Carabalí” (Congo and Carabali are defined in Cuba as two different African ethnic groups.) This statement is often heard in relation to music, and then often used by “white” Cubans in their claim to musical abilities and especially to legitimize their rhythmic musicality. This reflects the idea of a strong African influence which dominates discourse on Cuban artistic expression. In the field of music a strong presence of percussion instruments is often particularly attributed  to African ancestry and perceived as expressions of Africanness.

In discourse and examples from other countries, a focus on Africanness and “African elements” in musical expressions is often considered communication of a diasporic consciousness and transnational identification with an African diaspora. Blackness may also occationally be connected to the such a transnational diasporic identity, but is more often functioning as national icon and associated with Cubanness. While a focus on blackness for example in the US is often presented in opposition to the government and the white anglo saxon protestant domination in general, Cuba has nationalized blackness.

Blackness in political discourse
In political discourse this Afro-cubanness has become an important image influencing constructions and concepts of Cuban identity both locally and abroad. On an international political level, Cuba has since the Revolution taken a position where opposition to the US is an essential part of the country’s political identity. This has made Cuba a symbol of opposition from an oppressed 3rd world in a postcolonial polarized perspective dividing the world between “the west” and “the rest”. Both Cuban popular and political discourse reflects this image.

Since many of the processes of construction of culture and identity operate on a subconscious level, music is particularly powerful in creating associations to identity communication. As music can operate on an emotional level and even more so when lyrics are excluded, it gives room for multiple interpretations.

Giles and Shepherd puts that very clearly stating that:

 

“The embeddedness of the political in the sonic means that the political becomes entangled in and communicated through affective experience. This capacity of music to communicate through affect, to communicate feelingfully and intuitively, is source of its potency” (Giles and Shepherd 1988 in Meintjes 1990:38)

 

Music
Having explored concepts of Cubanness, we now search for the specific musical elements which creates associations to Cuban national identity. Son Montuno, which is one of the most central Cuban styles, is defined through the same mulato imagery which dominates the discourse on general Cubanness. This popular imagery is also strongly presented in academic writing as we find it represented in much Cuban musicological analysis. According to the explanation given by a leading Cuban musicologist, it consists of a “Spanish” and an “African” part. As he put it; the first is where the story is presented with many words, “because the spanish needed many words”. Then comes the montuno part where as he said: “the story is summed up in one sentence, because the africans needed few words.”

As we see here the musicological explanations of Cuban music shapes popular concepts and definitions, and reflects the political imagery of national identity. Here I find a strong parallel to the way that we in Norway have been raised to hear and associate fjords, mountains, trolls and Norwegianness with Grieg’s music.
(see picture 1)

This son structure is the basis of much Cuban popular music, and although we find this structure in many Caribbean styles, the form itself is perceived as an expression of Cubanness. It is particularly the elements of the montuno part which are considered to communicate this Cubanness strongest.

This is a typical montuno part were all instruments have a rhythmic function and play a repeated pattern which is layered one on top of the other. The clave pattern is a central element in Cuban music which guides the whole arrangement even though the clave itself may not actually be played. The anticipated bass pattern called tumbao is another important pattern identifying Cubanness, as is also the piano montuno pattern. The vocal part is antiphonal with call-response between a lead singer and the choir, and in the montuno the singer improvises often with very local and “insider” references. There may also be a horn section pattern called a mambo in this part, and improvised instrumental solos.

(see picture 2)

Timba
The new popular style timba that emerged in the beginning of the 90’s is also based on the son structure, but several new important elements have created complex double communication of identity. Cuban musicians has been ruled by the general political censorship in Cuba, and musical content critical to the conditions on the island had been quite absent until this style emerged. Popular music was not taken serious as artistic expression and was therefore less monitored, and gave room for the system critique found in ironic and humorous comments which started to emerge in the timba music. This style also incorporated important elements from jazz which was a music that had been prohibited in Cuba in the 70’s and 80’s but was now given increasing acceptance especially thanks to the work of the famous jazz group Irakere. The jazz elements together with the strong elements of hip hop and rap, which are central features of timba, may represent a transnational focus, and cosmopolitan identification which also includes a non-elite cosmopolitanism.

Tim pop
A brilliant example of multilayered communication is found in the timba hit “Tim Pop con Birdland”, recorded live by one of the most popular orchestras in Havana, Los Van Van. This piece contains many different kinds of contrasting transnational and national communication, with the son structure as basic form. Elements of the montuno here present through the whole piece including the first verse part, and this is very common in contemporary Cuban popular music. In this first part you will hear the famous jazz piece “Birdland” by Joe Zawinul and Weather Report woven into the verse, and this can be interpreted as an identification with this part of North American culture. The lyrics have both a lot of English words and many references to hip hop, rap and pop, and at the same time they are full of very local references to Cuban experienced reality. (1) 

 

The ability of music to communicate and create specific associations may exceede and even contrast with the intentions of musicians and composers. The listener’s personal history and the listening situation and context shapes the perception of music independent of the intentions of the performers. The different layers of national and transnational communication that I find in this music may therefore be quite different from the communication intended by the composer Juan Formell who has always stressed that his music is not political.

(see picture 3)
 
As you can hear when listening to this tune many layers of communication can be found, and how the musical elements create associations are, as mentioned, depending on each listeners background and references. When I heard this tune live in Havana, another layer was added by the fact that it was performed on the huge stage called “La Tribuna Antiimperialista José Martí”, which was constructed in front of the US Office of interests (2) for the protests around the Elian case in 2000.

 

This special setting creates a specific context which influence the interpretation of the musical performance here represented by “Tim Pop con Birdland”. The first choir of the montuno of “Tim Pop” says “Ay pa que los yumas no, no se creen que nosotros no” (= “Ay, so that the Yumas  don’t think that we are not able.”) may well here be perceived as communication of Cubanness in line with official political position.

Conclusion
To sum up this presentation we have explored some of the characteristics of the construction and discourse on Cuban national identity. By analyzing music as communication we have seen how specific musical elements can create associations to such a Cubanness, and thus be perceived as communication with very personal and culturally specific content. Cuban popular music also includes elements which create both national and transnational communication, revealing complex and often contradictory communications of identities. Throughout this paper I argue that by analyzing music as communication we have seen that music is closely tied to social context and personal experiences. As we have seen in the case of Cuban popular music, this kind of approach to music analysis has the potential of revealing different aspects of music experience than may be exposed by other methods. Such an approach to the study of music also reveals the potential for illuminating many other aspects and dynamics of society through the analysis and understanding of music in a specific cultural context.

Throughout this paper the cases presented has illustrated how blackness and the mulato imagery is in the center of Cuban national mythology. Similarly, it can be asked if Grieg’s music is described, analyzed and “nationalized through Norwegian national mythologies are particularly tied to nature and landscape. In both cases we find that much academic analysis of music as well as popular discourse and association making processes draws heavily on national mythologies. A comparative perspective on Cuban and Norwegian music and identity may enable us to recognize how these phenomena are socially constructed and historically situated. Such a deconstructive approach to the study of music, where music is studied as a phenomenon specific to distinct cultural context may illuminate the relativeness of concepts which have been presented as objective and fixed in both academic analysis and popular discourse. This further opens up new perspectives on the study and analysis of music, identity and society.

Bibliography
Anderson, Benedict 1996 Forestilte fellesskap. Refleksjoner omkring nasjonalismens opprinnelse og spredning. Spartacus Forlag AS, Oslo

 

Gahr Støre, Jonas 2007 “Jonas Gahr Støre om Edvard Grieg, Dreyfus-saken og Mstislav Rostropovitsj” Ballade (lenke)

 

Meintjes, Louise 1990 “Paul Simon’s Graceland, South Africa, and the Mediation of Musical Meaning.” In Ethnomusicology 34 (1): 37-72

 

Turino, Thomas 2000 Nationalists, Cosmopolitans, and Popular Music in Zimbabwe. The University of Chicago Press. Chicago and London.

Discography 

Los Van Van 2002 En el Malecón de La Habana, Unicornio  

Ingvill Morlandstø     Grieg and the Danish Connection Franz Liszt, Mentor for Edvard Grieg Grieg's a minor concerto as a national canon  Music and Identity The Clash Within Civilisations  The Grieg Effect